Comparison of olopatadine 0.6% nasal spray versusfluticasone propionate 50 g in the treatment of seasonalallergic rhinitis Michael A. Kaliner, M.D.,* William Storms, M.D.,# Stephen Tilles, M.D.,§ Sheldon Spector, M.D.,¶Ricardo Tan, M.D.,¶ Craig LaForce, M.D.,储 Bobby Q. Lanier, M.D.,** and Bradley Chipps, M.D.## The efficacy of nasal antihistamines (NAHs) for allergic rhinitis (AR) is comparable with or better than second-generation
Repoa.or.tzPayments and Quality of Ante-Natal
Care in Two Rural Districts of
Paper 4 from the Ethics, Payments, and P.O. Box 33223, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania
Maternal Survival Project 157 Mgombani Street, Regent Estate
Tel: +255 (0) 22 2700083 / 2772556
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Paula Tibandebage, Maureen Mackintosh, Tausi Kida, Joyce Ikingura and Cornel Jahari ISBN: 978-9987-483-17-4 REPOA research agenda is concern with poverty reduction with the focus in
Socioeconomic Transformation for inclusive growth and development that reduce
poverty substantially. Our objectives are to:
! develop the research capacity in Tanzania;
! enhance stakeholders' knowledge of poverty issues and empower them to act;
! contribute to policy dialogue;
! support the monitoring of the implementation of poverty related policy;
! strengthen national and international poverty research networks, and forg linkages
between research(ers) and users
REPOA has published the results from this research as part of our mandate to
disseminate information. Any views expressed are those of the author alone and should
not be attributed to REPOA.
Payments and Quality of Ante-Natal
Care in Two Rural Districts of
Paper 4 from the Ethics, Payments andMaternal Survival project.
By Paula Tibandebage, Maureen Mackintosh**,Tausi Kida***, Joyce Ikingura**** and Cornel Jahari* *REPOA, Tanzania**Open University, UK*** Economic and Social Research Foundation (ESRF), Tanzania****National Institute for Medical Research (NIMR), Tanzania Working Paper 13/4 Published for: REPOA P.O. Box 33223, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania 157 Mgombani Street, Regent Estate Tel: +255 (0) 22 2700083 / 2772556 Fax: +255 (0) 22 2775738 Email: [email protected] Website: www.repoa.or.tz Suggested Citation:Paula Tibandebage, Maureen Mackintosh, Tausi Kida, Joyce Ikingura and Cornel Jahari ‘Payments and Quality of Ante-Natal Care in Two Rural Districts of Tanzania'. Working Paper 13/4, Dar es Salaam, REPOA Suggested Keywords: Quality, Access and Payment of Ante-Natal Care, Maternal Health Care, Maternal Health Survival. ISBN: 978-9987-483-17-4 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without the written permission of the copyright holder or the publisher.
Ethics, Payments and Maternal Survival Project - Paper 4 We are grateful to our hard working interviewers, who also worked on translation and data entry: Samwel Ebenezeri, Magdalena Shirima, Tumaini Mashina, Onike Mcharo, and Caritas Pesha. We are also very grateful to all the women and men who gave time to the household interviews, and to the nurses, midwives, doctors, clinical officers, traditional birth attendants, and other professional staff who answered our questions, often under great time pressure. Our thanks go to the advisers to this project, Prof. Siriel Massawe, Mr. Gustav Moyo, Dr. Sebalda Leshabari, Prof. Pam Smith, and Ms. Rachel Celia for their invaluable advice at all stages of the project. This work was supported by the Wellcome Trust [WT094966MA], to whom we are most grateful. The content of this paper is the sole responsibility of the authors. Table of Contents
Acknowledgements . iii
Table of Contents . iv
List of Tables . v
List of Figures . vi
Abstract . vii
Acronyms . viii
1.0 Introduction .
2.0 Methods .
3.0 Findings . 4
3.1 Access to Ante-Natal Care . 43.2 Payments for Ante-Natal Care . 43.3 Quality of Ante-Natal Care: QuantitativeAnalysis ofInformation from Women . 63.4 Quality of Ante-Natal Care: Quantitative Analysis of Information from Facilities . 83.5 Interaction between Payments and Quality: Evidence from the Interviews . 4.0 Discussion . 21
5.0 Conclusion . 23
References . 24
Publications by REPOA . 25
List of Tables
Table 1: Number of facilities studied, by level and sector in each rural district . 2
Table 2: Total payments for ante-natal care for those receiving some care only for
their most recent pregnancy, by district (Tanzanian shillings) . 5 Table 3: Breakdown of payments for ante-natal care for those receiving some care only
for their most recent pregnancy, by rural district (Tanzanian shillings) . 6 Table 4: Percentages of women receiving some ante-natal care who reported receiving
the listed items, by rural district . 7 Table 5: Percentages of those stating they had received some information about
symptoms of complications in pregnancy who, without prompting, mentioned the following symptoms, by rural district . Table 6: Availability of supplies and tests required for ANC: data from hospitals and
lower-level facilities, public and FBO sectors . Table 7: Type of facility where ANC care was sought (%), by rural district: data from
interviews with women . 10 List of Figures
Figure 1: Number of ANC visits during the most recent completed pregnancy, by rural
Figure 2: Total payments for ante-natal care for those receiving some care only for
their most recent pregnancy, by rural district (Tanzanian shillings) . 5 Figure 3: Total number of relevant symptoms of complications in pregnancy, as mentioned
without prompting by those receiving some ante-natal care, by rural district . Figure 4: Distribution of payments for supplies, tests, and treatments during ANC,
by sector: Rural 1 . 11 Figure 5: Distribution of payments for supplies, tests, and treatments during ANC,
by sector: Rural 2 . 12 This paper surveys women's experiences with payments for ante-natal care (ANC) and associated issues of quality in two rural districts of Tanzania. We draw on quantitative and qualitative data from interviews in facilities and in households in the two districts to explore these issues, and discuss some policy implications. The paper provides evidence of payments for ANC in the two rural districts. Striking differences in payments between the two districts were observed, apparently reflecting variation in charging practices in different parts of the districts. In the areas surveyed in one district, women were paying little, in both faith-based organisations (FBOs) and in the public sector. In the other district, charges were much higher in facilities that women had attended, including a district hospital and a public dispensary that seemed to have gone into business on its own account. We explore to what extent these higher charges were associated with better-quality care: The women in the higher-charging district had in general received somewhat higher levels of service than the women interviewed in the lower-charging district, with the notable exception of a low-charging FBO-owned hospital that was succeeding in combining low and predictable charges with good services. In both districts, we found few reports of abuse at the ANC level – this appears to be more a problem at birth. The main quality issues at this level are lack of basic ANC services in some of the public health facilities, and having to pay for ANC even in some of the public facilities where these services are supposed to be provided for free. However, the problem of supply shortages seems to have generated a system of informal charging in some contexts. Sale of assets and borrowing to pay for ANC means impoverishment in order to access a payment-exempted service. We also found that health insurance appears to be creating or supporting a culture of charging for ANC. ANC accessible to all women is a key requirement for improved maternal survival. The findings discussed in this paper suggest the need for a more concerted effort to implement effectively strategies that are already in place, and to come up with other alternative strategies that may result into better outcomes. Such strategies should not be considered in isolation, but should be part of effective strategies to improve all aspects of maternal health. Furthermore, an emerging problem needs to be looked into, and appropriate action taken. Health insurance, which is intended to promote access to health care for the poor, seems in this case to be creating a contrary effect by exacerbating the problem of payments for services that should be exempted from payment. Community Health Fund Economic and Social Research Foundation Faith-Based Organisation Ifakara Health Institute National Bureau of Statistics National Health Insurance Fund National Institute for Medical Research Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey United Republic of Tanzania The role of good quality ante-natal care in safe delivery cannot be over-emphasized. It ensures that pregnancy complications and risks are detected early, thus making it easy to plan for safe delivery in a timely manner. National data suggest that access to ante-natal care is very widespread in Tanzania, while skilled assistance at birth is much less accessible. According to the 2010 Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey (TDHS), 98 per cent of Tanzanian women receive some ante-natal care from a skilled health-care professional, most likely a nurse/midwife (80 per cent) (NBS and ICF Macro, 2011). The same source puts the number of births that occur in health facilities at about 50 per cent. When we began this project, therefore, our expectation had been that the most serious problems of payments and associated ethical issues would arise when women gave birth. We found however that ante-natal care presented women with many dilemmas and demands for payment, and that there were many quality problems in ante-natal care associated with payment processes. This paper surveys some of these issues, concentrating on the experience of women in two rural districts. One of these districts has been the subject of a substantial amount of intervention to improve services (the district called Rural 2, below), while the other (Rural 1) has not. In one district, payments for ante-natal care were substantially higher than in the other, and we ask whether the qualitative interviews and other data can show whether or not the higher payments made were eliciting better care. We draw on quantitative and qualitative data from interviews in facilities and in households in the two rural districts, and discuss some implications for policy. 2 Methods
The sample and data collection instruments
This paper examines some results from a mainly qualitative study. Fieldwork for the study was
undertaken in four districts located in two contrasting regions of Tanzania. In each region, the
research included one urban and one rural district. Three wards in each district and then two streets
or villages in each ward were chosen that displayed contrasting economic circumstances. Finally,
ten households were selected randomly along those streets or villages. Households where no
woman was pregnant and/or no woman had given birth in the last five years were replaced. A total
of 240 households were selected, 60 in each district.
Interviews with heads of households or their representatives in these 240 households collected basic data on the households' socio-economic conditions, while interviews with women collected data on payments and maternal care, including birth experiences. In the sampled households all eligible women were interviewed. In total, interviews were conducted with 248 women who had given birth in the last five years and/or were currently pregnant. The five-year cut-off point was applied to limit recall problems. The interviews captured information on the women's experiences of ante-natal care, care at birth, and post-natal care, including payments made and their perceptions of the quality of care they received. In addition, the fieldwork also included health-care facility interviews that were conducted with health workers in 59 health-care facilities in the selected districts. The health-care facilities in the survey were at different levels and were drawn from three sectors – public, private, and those owned by faith-based organisations (FBOs). In total, 11 hospitals, 16 health centres, and 32 dispensaries were visited. Interviewees included medical directors and clinicians incharge, managers responsible for maternal care, and midwives. Some traditional birth attendants were also interviewed. Semi-structured questionnaires with provisions for in-depth probing were used in both household and health facility interviews. In addition, for household interviews a separate structured questionnaire was used to capture the households' socio-economic characteristics. Fieldwork was undertaken in September and October 2011. In this paper we present case studies of the quality of ante-natal care experienced by women in the two rural districts. A total of 17 health facilities were visited in Rural 1, and 15 in Rural 2. In each rural district, a total of 62 women were interviewed about their experience of care during pregnancy and birth.
In these two rural districts, women relied for maternity care mainly on public and FBO-owned facilities. Table 1 shows the distribution by level and sector of the facilities sampled in each district. There are relatively more FBO-owned facilities sampled in Rural 2, a reflection of the characteristics of the particular districts selected.
Table 1: Number of facilities studied, by level and sector in each rural district
Level and sector
Public health centre
Qualitative data on women's maternal health-care experiences were coded and sorted into themes
by using Nvivo software. Systematic analyses were carried out to identify patterns and commonalities
and/or differences in experiences. Patton (2002) explains in detail this method of qualitative data
analysis. Background data for health facilities and households and data on payments were analysed
with Stata software, using descriptive methods such as graphs and cross tabulations. We triangulated
data sources, e.g. responses from women and responses from maternal health workers, so as
to identify similarities or divergences in their responses regarding issues of payment and what is
considered ethical maternal care. We also triangulated quantitative data, e.g. on payments, with
qualitative data to assess whether issues emerging from the qualitative interviews were consistent
with the quantitative findings.
This study was undertaken with the approval of the National Health Research Ethics Review
Committee. In undertaking primary data collection and analysing the findings, efforts were made
to ensure anonymity and objectivity. Respondents were informed about the study's objectives,
and their informed consent was obtained. Participants were assured of anonymity during the data
analysis and in the presentation of the findings. Accordingly, data were coded to protect identities
and ensure privacy.
3.1 Access to Ante-Natal Care
Recorded attendance at some ante-natal care visits was, as expected, almost universal among our
interviewees. Of the 10 per cent (six women) in Rural 1 who had not received ANC for the most
recent or current pregnancy, half had not yet started for the current pregnancy but intended to go.
Of the others, two cited expenses, being unable to find the money, as a reason for non-attendance;
one of these also said she had been ill. The third had been forbidden by her husband to attend,
having been beaten on an earlier occasion when she had tried to go. The woman who had been ill
elaborated as follows:
I have not visited a clinic for ante-natal care because I never got time to go and there is
no one to take me to the facility. I depend on my husband to take me, but all the time he
is fully involved in his income-generating activities. I cannot walk to the facility because
it is far and I cannot ride a bicycle because I often suffer from pain in my waist. 
In Rural 2, 3 per cent (two women) had not yet been to ANC, and both intended to go.
Numbers of attendances varied substantially. In each district, the median and mean number of visits by those who had completed pregnancies was four; the number of visits varied between two and eight. In Rural 2, visits were slightly more numerous, and it was very unusual to go for two visits only (Figure 1).
Figure 1: Number of ANC visits during the most recent completed pregnancy, by rural district
3.2 Payments for Ante-Natal Care
Table 2 summarizes the total payments for ante-natal care recorded in interviews with women in
all four districts who had received some ante-natal care. We discuss below the situation of women
who did not receive care or who received inadequate care.
Of the women who had received some ante-natal care in Rural 1 and Rural 2, 41 per cent and 33 per cent, respectively, paid nothing. The payments in both rural districts were much lower than the payments in the two urban districts studied. The totals include all payments: those payments to facilities, and also transport costs and payments to private shops for items required for ANC and not available at the facility. These were all cash payments. The few very high payments in urban areas were for ante-natal emergencies.
Table 2: Total payments for ante-natal care bythose receiving some care during their most recent pregnancy,
by district (Tanzanian shillings)
The distribution of the payments is skewed, as Figure 2 shows, with a minority of people in the rural areas paying quite substantial amounts. Figure 2: Total payments for ante-natal care by those receiving some care during their most recent pregnancy,
by rural district (Tanzanian shillings)
Table 3 presents the breakdown of these payments in the rural districts. The table shows that quite high percentages of women paid nothing for each item – over half, except for payments for tests and treatment in Rural 2. However, as Table 2 shows, a majority of women interviewed paid something in each district.
Transport and gifts and payments to staff were higher on average in Rural 1, and indeed cash payments to staff are recorded as zero in Rural 2. Otherwise, payments were higher in Rural 2 (the intervention district) than in Rural 1. An interesting question addressed below using the qualitative data is whether these lower payments in Rural 1 reflect access to more services for free – or rather reflect fewer services available to purchase, or an inferior level of purchasing power in Rural 1 than in Rural 2.
Table 3: Breakdown of payments for ante-natal care by those receiving some care during their most recent
pregnancy, by rural district (Tanzanian shillings)
Rural 1 (n=56 )
Rural 2 (n=60)
Self-purchased supplies and medicines
Supplies and medicines bought at facility
Payments to facility staff or TBAs
Payments for tests and treatment
Gifts to staff and/or helpers
Note: Items may not add to totals because of lack of a complete breakdown in a few cases.
Quality of Ante-Natal Care: Quantitative Analysis of Information
In Tanzania, the basic, essential health-care package consists of an integrated col ection of interventions that addresses the main diseases, injuries, and risk factors. The package extends to al health-care provision levels, including dispensaries. Dispensaries are expected to provide comprehensive primary health-care services, including, among others, the following: treatment of diseases, reproductive and child health (RCH) services and family planning, and immunization services to children and mothers (URT, 2003: p.10, p.20). Dispensaries are, therefore, supposed to be provided with essential drugs, reagents for basic diagnostic tests, and medical supplies and equipment required for dispensary-level services.
According to the national package of essential health interventions (URT, 2000), essential maternal care for a pregnant woman includes, among others, ante-natal, obstetric, and perinatal care; prevention and treatment of STDs, including HIV/AIDS; and any other gynaecological problems. At the dispensary level, health workers are supposed to provide al prenatal care, including risk assessments and fol ow-up on risky pregnancies; treatment of al existing diseases, e.g. STDs; provisions of supplements such as folate, irons, etc.; and tetanus toxoid immunization. Some of these services imply that dispensaries should be equipped to do basic diagnostic tests (Ibid: p. 23).
In this study the women interviewed were given a list of the key ANC services and then asked which ones they had received. This list was compiled with the assistance of the project's clinical advisers and reflects current standards. Responses show that women in Rural 2 stated that they had received a much larger percentage of those ANC services than women in Rural 1 (Table 4). Over 80 per cent of women interviewed in Rural 2 reported receiving each of the key services, with the exception of iron supplements and information on danger signs in pregnancy. In Rural 1, the services reported were received by 75 per cent or below, with less than 40 per cent reporting blood test for syphilis or deworming. Table 4: Percentages of women receiving some ante-natal care who reported receiving the listed items, by
Rural 1 (n=56)
Rural 2 (n=60)
Information on danger signs and complications
Blood pressure measurement
Blood test for anaemia
Blood test for syphilis
Malaria prevention medicines
As shown in Table 4, over a third of women interviewed in each district said that they had not been given information about the danger symptoms of complications in pregnancy. Of those who had been given information, Table 5 shows the percentages of women who, without prompting, were able to mention different symptoms. Women were a little more informed in Rural 2 than Rural 1, but the difference was not great. Including all those who received some care, the median number of symptoms mentioned was two in each district, and very few women mentioned more than three in Rural 1 or more than four in Rural 2 (Figure 3).This finding matches other evidence: The 2010 TDHS shows that only about half (53%) of the women were informed of signs of pregnancy complications during an ANC visit.
Table 5: Percentages of those stating they had received some information about symptoms of complications
in pregnancy who, without prompting, mentioned the following symptoms, by rural district
Rural 1 (n=56)
Rural 2 (n=60)
Swollen face or hands
Tiredness or breathlessness
Headache or blurred vision
Gush of fluid from vagina
Severe abdominal pain
Foul smelling vaginal discharge
Reduced foetal movement
Figure 3: Total number of relevant symptoms of complications in pregnancy, as mentioned without prompting
by those receiving some ante-natal care, by rural district
3.4 Quality of Ante-Natal Care: Quantitative Analysis of Information
Interviews in facilities included questions concerning facility capability to provide maternity services, and also a survey of the availability of a set of tracer medicines and supplies on the day of the visit. In all public sector facilities, interviewees stated that they provided ANC services. The lower-level public facilities in these rural areas were operating in difficult conditions. Very few had running water in the facility: just four out of 12 facilities in Rural 1 and two out of eight in Rural 2. Half of the facilities in Rural 1 and three out of eight in Rural 2 had some form of electricity. In almost all, interviewees stated that they had a working refrigerator: the exception was a dispensary in Rural 1, which had no refrigerator and which, according to local women interviewed, was not in fact providing ANC services at all. Table 6 shows the recorded availability of supplies and tests required for ANC in public hospitals, and in public and FBO health centres and dispensaries, in the two rural districts. The availability was markedly better in the public hospital in Rural 2 than in Rural 1 (Table 6). In the FBO hospital in each district, all of these supplies and tests were available at the time of the visit. In the public health centres and dispensaries, the low level of availability of soap, disinfectant, and gloves in Rural 1was alarming in terms of infection control, and many other items were missing (see Table 6). Availability was better in the public health centres and dispensaries in Rural 2, but not complete. In the lower-level FBO facilities, only one of two facilities in Rural 1 which provided data had most supplies, while the availability of supplies in FBO facilities in Rural 2 was similar to that in the public sector. Table 6: Availability of supplies and tests required for ANC: data from hospitals andlower-level facilities, public
and FBO sectors.
Public health centres/ FBO health centres/
(1= Yes) (% Yes)
Clean latex or sterile gloves
Blood pressure equipment
Folic acid tablets
Tetanus toxoid vaccine
Oral antibiotic: amoxicillin, ampicillin,
Albendazole or mebendazole
Metronidazole or tinidazole
Doxycycline, tetracycline, or
Penicillin (oral or injectable)
Nystatin, miconazole, or clotrimazole
cream or suppository
Vitamin A tablets
Laboratory capacity to test for anaemia
Laboratory capacity to test for urine
Laboratory capacity to test for urine
Laboratory capacity to test for HIV
Average % of items (max=21)
* Note: Data for one FBO dispensary are missing.
Interaction between Payments and Quality: Evidence from the
In this section we bring together information from the interviews with women and with facility staff for a small number of facilities in each district, to explore the reasons for payment for ante-natal care, and the impact of payment, in each district. We look at the hospitals – one public, one FBO-owned and -run – in each rural district, and also several of the lower level facilities in each district. We are seeking to answer the research questions identified above from the quantitative evidence: • What are the reasons for the higher recorded payments for ante-natal care in Rural 2 as compared • Are those higher payments associated with higher levels of care, and if so, why and how? 3.5.1 Choice of facility for ANC
We address this question by comparing the women's reports on payments for ANC and its link to
the quality of care received between the two districts. Most ANC, as expected, was sought at the
dispensary and health-centre level, although in one area of Rural 1 anFBO hospital was providing
ante-natal care to many local residents (Table 7).
Table 7: Type of facility where ANC care was sought (%), by rural district: data from interviews with women
Facility level and sector
Public dispensary Public health centre Private dispensary The varying pattern of use of public and FBO facilities between the two districts was largely determined by distance, with women generally attending the facility closest to their home. This emphasis on the nearest facility was reinforced by the difficulty of travelling and high costs of travel if required in Rural 2, which is remote. As a result, women had spent virtually no money on transport for ANC in Rural 2 (Table 3), going instead to the nearest facility by foot or by bicycle. The following are typical comments by the women: I went to [a public dispensary] for pregnancy services because it is near home, and I walked on foot. It is also the only dispensary in our ward. [Rural 2:211] My husband carried me on his bicycle to the facility. [Rural 1:100] In both districts the main reason for paying for transport to ANC had been the need to go to a more distant facility, health centre, or hospital for tests or treatments unavailable in the local dispensary. When supplies and capabilities were missing in local dispensaries, women thus had a choice between paying for transportor not receiving some of the essential tests and treatments such as those listed in Table 5. In these circumstances, transport costs became a barrier to treatment for some women. Furthermore, in both districts, but more frequently in Rural 2, women recounted that, were they to choose to go to the hospital for ANC, they would be sent back to the dispensary level. Only those living very close by went unchallenged to ante-natal care at most of the hospitals; others were sent back to dispensary level. This pressure to go to the local dispensary and to no other facility appeared to be much stronger in Rural 2 than in Rural 1. The following was quite a typical comment in Rural 2, in the most remote part of the district: I went to [a public dispensary] for my ANC services because there was a boundary for accessing ANC in our Ward. For example, my village was supposed to access ANC at [a public dispensary] unless referred to [the FBO hospital]. I started to go to [the FBO hospital], but I didn't get any service after they realized that I am from … Village; as a result they sent me back to [the public dispensary] to start my ANC services there. [Rural 2: 227] This also occurred rather less formally elsewhere in Rural 2 and in Rural 1: I went there [to a public dispensary] after going to [the public hospital] and I was told that for all of us staying in…… ward, our hospital is [a public dispensary]. We can only go to [the public hospital] when we have a big emergency. [Rural 1 :194] As Table 3 shows, the payments recorded for ANC supplies, tests, and treatments were all much higher on average in Rural 2 than in Rural 1, and the qualitative interviews allow us to explore the reasons for this. Mean payments for all supplies, tests, and treatments taken together were Tshs 679 in Rural 1 (with 70% of women having paid nothing) and Tshs 3,156 in Rural 2, with only 37 per cent of women having paid nothing. Figures 4 and 5 compare the distribution of these payments by sector in each district. In Rural 1, people who sought ANC in either the public or FBO sector made relatively few payments for supplies (Figure 4). In Rural 2, strikingly, people pay relatively large amounts for supplies, tests, and treatments in both sectors (Figure 5). The qualitative data allow us to explore the reasons for this difference and its consequences for care.
Figure 4: Distribution of payments for supplies, tests, and treatments during ANC, by sector: Rural 1
Note: Sector 1=Public; Sector 2=FBO
Figure 5: Distribution of payments for supplies, tests, and treatments during ANC, by sector: Rural 2
Note: Sector 1=Public; Sector 2=FBO; Sector 3=Private
3.5.2 Payments and quality in the public sector: Rural 1 district
In Rural 1, women reported fewer charges made by public dispensaries and health centres than in
Rural 2. In Rural 1 a common experience was for a woman to go to her local public dispensary, find
that many tests and treatments were not available there, and either be sent on to a more distant
health centre or stay without the treatments. The following were some typical statements; they refer
to three different public dispensaries in the Rural 1 district:
I only managed to get two types of ANC service : information on danger signs and symptoms of pregnancy complications and a check-up for blood pressure at [public dispensary 1]. For other tests and services, I was told to go to [public health centre 1], so I went there and managed to get other services, and the services at [public health centre 1] were also free of charge. [Rural 1: 75] Women from this local area had spent around Tshs 3,000 – Tshs 5,000 in transport to get to the
health centre. No one recorded payments for services at this health centre. In some cases, women
from public dispensary 1 were not referred to the health centre – or did not go – so they paid
nothing, but as a result received limited service:
I did not make any payments [in public dispensary 1]….It is not a good service, because I did not get medicine and blood test for syphilis, HIV, and anaemia. Their services are very poor; we are just going there because there is no alternative. [Rural 1: 76] I did not make any out-of-pocket payments ….The matron is harsh, but the rest are not. So many services like blood test for syphilis, malaria prevention medicines, de-worming, HIV test, urine test, information on danger signs and symptoms of pregnancy, just to mention a few, were not available in the facility, apart from checking my weight and anti-tetanus injection, which were provided. [Rural 1: 77] One woman commented that the services at public dispensary 1 had deteriorated when staff had changed. There was discussion about why the services were so poor, with some women feeling that they were silenced if they complained: I do not know why they did not provide those other services[at public dispensary 1] ….Other pregnant women were there, but no one received medicine; even buying them [medicine] is not possible since they have never prescribed any medicine….They are so rude and they do not care. [Rural 1:79] I do not know why there are no supplies …. They usually do not do tests, and when you ask they will abuse you and tell you "you think you know a lot about tests" so you have to keep quiet ….Nurses are few, so we are given services by a TBA who is not as expert as a nurse. [Rural 1: 81] One person was more willing to apportion blame elsewhere, as follows, but in general noone was happy with this dispensary: Actually they are trying to offer a good service … because in rural areas we do not know why the services are unavailable, but I do not think unavailability is their mistake. They are not responsible for buying medicines but simply for reporting to the authority to ensure availability, but for me I think they are trying to provide what is available.
[Rural 1: 78] In an area near a different public dispensary, there was a similar experience: The service is not good in [public dispensary 2], simply because the facility lacks important services, including the blood and HIV test services. We are tired of being referred to [health centre 1] every time, although I was given malaria drugs, deworming, and folic acid in the dispensary. [Rural 1: 69] Those who relied on public dispensary 2 agreed that although the staff was good and did not ask for payment, many services were unavailable. Unlike public dispensary 1, this dispensary often sent women to purchase items in the private sector: I was not investigated for syphilis, urine infection or anaemia, or HIV. Due to my ignorance, I did not ask why the investigations were not carried out. But I was given medicines for preventing malaria (SP), anti-worm tablets, [medicines for] preventing anaemia, and [a] tetanus vaccination. …. I bought gloves for Tshs 2,000 from the pharmacy. [Rural 1: 66] More payments made to the private sector were recorded by women who went to a second public health centre. Some women had paid nothing and received few services, although several said health workers were polite. Others had been sent to the private sector: I received ANC care, but I did not receive some of the services you have mentioned to me. I did not ask because I did not know that it is necessary to be given those services such as malaria prevention medicines, blood test for syphilis, deworming, iron/foliate supplements for blood, and information on danger signs and symptoms for pregnancy complications. [Rural 1: 96] You know, the last time I thought the attendants were too occupied, but later I realized that most of these services were not available in [public health centre 2], and we were even sometimes told to get them in private health facilities or a pharmacy. For my 2009 pregnancy, service was at least encouraging …. I got a blood test, a urine test, malaria drugs, anti-tetanus injections, and was weighed, but the 2011 pregnancy was full of suffering because the services were unavailable; I did not get any service apart from being weighed and check-up for pregnancy. [Rural 1: 100] I was told to go and buy medicine in the pharmacy where I bought Ferrous (two times), Folic Acid (once), SP (twice), totallingTshs1,300. I did not get any other service apart from being instructed to go and buy these medicines. The nurse directed me to Mama . shop, which is nearby the facility to buy the medicine. [Rural 1: 101] One woman had paid Tshs 1,000 for a "hospital card". One had been asked to pay for gloves: When I arrived they told me … I should pay Tshs 1,000/= for a pair of gloves to be used during drawing of blood for HIV testing. I did not know of this payment and therefore could not undergo the test. I will do the testing during my next visit and I will have Tshs 1,000/=. [Rural 1:97] One woman attributed her better experience at health centre 2 to her membership of the Community Health Fund (CHF); however ANC should be free, according to the rules, whether or not women are members. Hence, this suggests some local confusion concerning the scope of CHF insurance. I have insurance that covers ante-natal care (CHF), which we normally pay 10,000/= yearly for the card of CHF…. I used my insurance card that covers ante-natal care. The service was not bad; it was good. They received me and attended me, and the supplies were available. [Rural 1: 91] A couple of women, dissatisfied with the services in health centre 2, had gone instead to the district public hospital. One felt she had been given insufficient information at the health centre, so she went to the hospital, and another said: I was examined [at health centre 2], and some tests were done, but other tests were not available, so I went to [the district hospital] for urine and stool tests. I had UTI, and I paid Tshs 500 for the test. I was given some tablets. [Rural 1: 99] Many women were thus selecting their ANC location according to the services available; the public hospital was charging for tests. One public dispensary studied was not providing ANC services at all, requiring women to go to a ruralFBO hospital for treatment: I went at [the FBO hospital] for ANC care because they do not offer it at our dispensary (public dispensary 3). [Rural 2:107] 3.5.3 Charging and quality in an FBO hospital in Rural 1
Our interviewees in Rural 1 included a number of people who went to just one FBO facility, anFBO
hospital in a quite remote area. This hospital's charging practices diverged sharply from those of
the FBO facilities in Rural 2 described below. The interviews with women who went to ANC at this
hospital are strikingly consistent in their reports on quality and charging.
A number of women had gone to this hospital because their local public dispensary was not providing ANC services at all. Some had to make substantial transport payments to get to the hospital and wished they could get the services closer to home. But the comments on the hospital services were consistently positive, while all agreed that the payments levied were low. Here are some examples demonstrating the consistency of response.
I paid 200/= for tests (blood test) and Tshs 500/= for a mosquito net, but I did not make any other out of pocket payments….My husband gave the money to me because he knows that we are required to go with Tshs 200/= in every attendance. [Rural 1: 106] They offer good services. I received most of the services including checking BP, urine tests, blood test for anaemia, blood test for syphilis, iron/foliate supplements SP (malaria medicine), and the HIV testing, which was free of charge. I just paid Tshs200/= for those. [Rural 1: 108] And this is an example of the positive comments: The staff are humane, … the way they treated me was from the heart. [Rural 1: 107] 3.5.4 Payments and quality in the public sector: Rural 2 district
In Rural 2, women who went to a public dispensary in the less remote part of the district reported
generally good experiences of staff but few available services:
I can say that the services were good. The nurses were always available and they could be reached easily. …if anyone sought their assistance on weekends, they were always there to respond and assist. [Rural 2: 236] As in Rural 1, many services required a trip to a health centre; a bicycle was a common means of transport.
There are some services that I did not get at all, e.g. information on the danger signs of pregnancy, and I did not know why….For other tests –HIV, urine, stool, HB, and syphilis – I had to get them done at [health centre 1] because they were not available and also they said they did not have an expert for blood tests at the dispensary, and even the machine for blood test was not available. [Rural 2: 239] This respondent was found to have syphilis and paid Tshs 1,500 for syringes in order to be treated, financed by selling part of a bean harvest. Otherwise, in both this dispensary and the health centre, women generally reported receiving services that were available for free, but missed a number of services. I did not spend any money during my ANC care visits, neither for medicine nor for the tests. [Rural 2:240] I did not receive [in public dispensary 1] any information on the danger signs of pregnancy.
They said folic acid was not available at that time, and also I did not receive anti-tetanus injection and they did not give a reason….I only got the HIV test and HB test, but I had to seek other services from [health centre 1], for example urine test and stool…. I have not made any payment until now when my pregnancy is 9 months old. [Rural 2: 241] I only incurred costs for transport during my pregnancy, to and from [health centre 1], 10,000 shillings by motorcycle because it is far from home. [Rural 2: 243] One woman had been sent away from health centre 1 because "they said they had no clean water" on the day she went; she was sent on to an FBO health centre that charged (see below). In this part of Rural 2, the district hospital was also providing ANC, and there women had paid more. I received all services including all tests, medicines, and education on pregnancy.… I went to the hospital laboratory for tests so the nurse who was on duty in the laboratory asked me to payTshs 3,000/= for the services. [Rural 2: 188] One woman stated that her treatment was covered by insurance; her insurance had been charged for some of her tests.
Folic acid supplements, they told me that they were not available, so I had to buy them. I bought them from the pharmacy for Tshs 2,500. For clinic cards we pay for Tshs 1,000/= when we start going to the clinic, but for tests and treatment they told me to pay Tshs 12,500. But some of the payments, e.g. for tests and treatment, were covered by health insurance….So when I go to the clinic, payments are covered by insurance and they give me a form which shows the costs which are being covered. However, the medicines are usually not available, so I have to buy them myself at the pharmacy. [Rural 2: 190] It thus appears that this public hospital is charging some insurance funds for ANC services.
One woman had a very positive experience of this hospital; she also had an explanation: For sure I received all services …. All of them were good to me but I think it's because of my brother … who is a surgeon ….He was telling his fellow doctors and nurses that I am his relative so they should take a good care of me.[Rural 2:197] In a more remote part of the Rural 2 district, a third public dispensary appeared to have an arrangement whereby patients were directed to buy tests and treatments in a nearby shop. One currently pregnant woman said: They told me that those services were not available at the dispensary, so I should get them done in a private facility and bring back the results to continue with the ANC. Every test that was supposed to be done was written in the card, e.g. malaria test, syphilis, stool, and urine. I went to have the tests done but I did only the test for urine since I did not have enough money to undertake all of them…. I went on foot to where the services are provided, and the urine test was done for Tshs 2,000/=, and I bought a clinic card by Tshs 500/= at the dispensary. [Rural 2: 210] Another offered a more detailed explanation of the situation, from a pregnancy in 2009: In my ANC I got some services at [public dispensary 3], but all tests and check-up services were not available at this dispensary. So we were directed to… the nearby private pharmacy which belongs to one of the nurses working in this dispensary. The following services were not offered to me: information on danger signs and symptoms of pregnancy complications, iron/folic acid supplements, malaria prevention medicines, and deworming. I did not know why … and I could not ask because that was my first pregnancy; I did not know the kind of services I was supposed to get. [Rural 2: 216] A third woman told a similar story for a 2011 pregnancy: Services are not good because tests are not available. When we go there we have to contribute Tshs 500/= for every test so that we can get clinic cards which are sold at… dispensary [a private dispensary/drug shop, not visited for this study]. For tests they tell us we have to go to this dispensary to take these tests, and if you don't go to … laboratory, they send you back and they tell you "go and get those maternal services where you have taken the tests". Even medicine, you have to go buy them at …, dispensary, since the nurse named Mama … who works at the [public dispensary 3], her husband is the owner of … dispensary. [Rural 2: 223] This kind of experience was repeated. Another woman had spent Tshs 3600 on tests in a "private pharmacy", plus Tshs 300 given to the nurse for a card. Another had paid Tshs 1,600. Reported prices for tests varied between Tshs 300 and 500. Several women, instead of going to the private facility when services were unavailable at the dispensary, had gone instead to an FBO hospital, where the charges were even higher (see below). Just two women interviewed had paid nothing at this dispensary while receiving ANC services, one for a pregnancy in 2009 and one in 2010. Both attributed this to their membership of a CHF. This statement refers to the 2010 pregnancy. Services are good; they provided all the tests; also they allow CHF, which we use to cover all the services. CHF costsTshs 5,000 for a year. If you have insurance you receive good service. Also at the dispensary they have all the supplies needed so there is no hassle when you arrive there. [Rural 2: 213] As noted above, in principle this insurance should not be relevant; the evidence suggests those not in the CHF are being refused free services. 3.5.5 Charging and quality in FBO facilities in Rural 2
In the remote part of the Rural 2 district, where the public dispensary just discussed was located,
there was also an FBO hospital providing ANC services. This hospital also levied quite substantial
charges for ANC. One of the women who went to the hospital from public dispensary 3 said:
I have used a total of Tshs 8,500/= …. All tests are done at [the FBO hospital] because such services are not available at [public dispensary 3]. I was asked to pay Tshs 1,500/= for registration and Tshs 6,500/= as payment for tests and medicines …. I also bought a card for Tshs 500/=. [Rural 2: 217] From an earlier pregnancy in 2007, another woman had paid … a total of Tshs 1,600/= for all tests; each test was Tshs 400/=. The HIV test was free….Money for this medical test was difficult to get, so we decided to sell part of our harvest, and that crop was paddy; my husband is the one who sold the paddy.
[Rural 2: 227] There were complaints about the quality of service, and payments recorded were high enough to require sale of food crops. I was not taught about the danger signs of pregnancy, and I did not know who to ask. I bought medicine during ANC in the pharmacy for Tshs 1,000/=; then I paid Tshs 2,000/= for all tests plus buying a clinical card from the nurse who came for outreach for Tshs 500/=. …I sold my paddy to cover the costs from the family savings. [Rural 2: 218] The payments appeared to be rather erratic: I paid for some tests and services while others were freely provided, e.g. I paid for the urine test and stool, but the blood tests were free. So I paid Tshs 1,200/= only for tests, and also I bought drugs for Tshs 500/=. [Rural 2: 219] One woman argued of this hospital: Getting pregnancy services is full of corruption in order to get the best and quality health treatment or service that is required. [Rural 2: 220] One woman felt she had been well treated, but in general there was a low level of expressed satisfaction.
In the less remote area of this district there were two FBO dispensaries that were attended by a number of our interviewees. Both also levied quite substantial charges. The woman (above) who was sent away from the public health centre had gone to FBO health centre 1 and said: They gave me all tests, and they told me I had to pay 4,000 shillings. Iron supplement which they gave me cost 1,000 shillings, together with deworming drugs which I bought for 300 shillings for a single dose. Transport cost … 2,000 shillings. [Rural 2:246] The following was a description of payments for ANC in 2009: When I arrived for the first time for ANC visit they told me I have to pay 7,000 Tshs as payments for all tests. Iron supplements for blood, they cost 2,000 Tshs for the first dose, and the second dose which I took the last week of pregnancy, they cost 2,000 Tshs; deworming drugs cost 1,000 Tshs and anti-malaria drugs cost 2,000. [Rural 2:231] This interviewee had been sent to public health centre 1 for the HIV test, which the FBO dispensary could not provide, but she had not gone because of the distance, thus missing the test. The following quote concerns a 2011 pregnancy: I paid 4,000/= to cover the costs for tests and a clinical card…. The service is good because it is easily accessed, but the problem comes with the payment, which means that you cannot get it until you have cash to buy it. [Rural 2: 228] All those interviewed who had been to ANC at this facility, from 2007 to a current pregnancy, had paid several thousand shillings; the amount varied by interviewee, but everyone paid something. On the whole, there was agreement that the services for these payments were good. Here are further examples; the first concerns a current pregnancy at the time of interview: When you attend ANC for the first time you have to pay 4,000 Tshs … for the clinic card and all tests. When you go back for each ANC visit, every test you receive cost 500 Tshs, and I had a blood test two times, so I paid 1,000; anti-malaria drugs one dose cost Tshs1,500, iron/folic acid supplements one dose cost Tshs1,200. [Rural 2: 232] Similar payments are mentioned from earlier pregnancies. The following refers to 2008 When you go for ANC for the first time you have to pay 5,000 Tshs as payments for all tests and medicine. [Rural 2: 233] I paid a total of Tshs 6,000 for all tests, a check-up, and medicines. I cannot remember the cost of each, but I only remember that the test of blood urine and stool was charged Tshs 200 per each test. [Rural 2: 237] And finally, this refers to a 2010 pregnancy: I paid a total of Tshs 3,000 for the blood test, stool test, urine test, SP for malaria prevention, iron supplements, and without forgetting the ANC card.…This payment is essential because the health facility is a private facility. [Note: in fact it is an FBO facility.] Generally speaking the ANC I got was good. I was given a good welcome, tested; we were not abused or anything bad. [Rural 2: 238] The second FBO dispensary in the less remote area charged similarly for ANC. One woman said she had received ANC services without payment in 2010; otherwise everyone had paid. The following refers to a 2011 pregnancy: I paid for a clinic card Tshs 1,000/=; I also did blood test, urine, stool and syphilis tests giving a total amount of Tshs 3,500/=. I went to the shop to buy indocid for Tshs 1,500/=, half a dose since I had back pains and the tablets were not available in the dispensary. [Rural 2: 189] One woman was paying this FBO dispensary for ANC for a current pregnancy via insurance – presumably the National Health Insurance Fund (NHIF). This fund is used to pay for medical treatment, which can include treatment in an FBO-owned facility, and here it is being used for ante-natal care: Folic acid supplements, they told me that they were not available, so I had to buy them. I bought them from the pharmacy for Tshs 2,500/=; clinic cards, we pay Tshs1,000/= when we start going to the clinic, but tests and treatments, they told me to pay Tshs 12,500/=. But some of the payments, like those for tests and treatment, were covered by health insurance…. So when I went to the clinic …they gave me a form which showed the cost to be paid. But for the medicines not available at the dispensary, I had to buy them with my own funds at the pharmacy. [Rural 2: 190] The following payments were made in 2011: I paid Tshs 3,500/= to [FBO dispensary 1] for the tests I was asked to undertake – blood, urine, stool test, and malaria. I had to buy the card from [the public hospital] at Tshs 200/= because there were no cards at [the dispensary] … I struggled to get the amount. I sold local brew at home. [Rural 2: 193] These payments are echoed in a 2008 experience: I paid for every test for Tshs 300/=, but an HIV test was not provided at the dispensary, so we went to take a test at the district hospital and the test was provided for free. Malaria prevention drugs and deworming, we paid Tshs 2,250/=; Malaria prevention drugs, we paid Tshs 1,500/=, and de-worming cost Tshs 750/=. But iron/foliate supplements for blood were provided for free. [Rural 2: 199] These are 2011 payments: I was given SP for prevention of malaria, and I was told to pay Tshs 600/=, and this money was paid to a nurse. [Rural 2:204] Finally, this account refers to 2010: At the mission [FBO dispensary 2], I pay for all the services except for the HIV test. Payment for all tests was Tshs 3,000/= …. I think I receive good service. At the mission hospital [FBO dispensary 2], they provide good care, unlike other hospitals. Maybe it's because we pay for them, and they have enough supplies. [Rural 2: 191] 4 Discussion
The difference in payments observed between the two districts seems to reflect a number of factors. These factors are not necessarily district wide – we did not sample in a manner that can be generalised. Rather, they reflect different kinds of charging practices that had emerged in different parts of the two districts and some of the consequences of these practices. In Rural 1, in the areas surveyed, women were paying little, in both FBO and public sectors. In the FBO hospital – the only well-functioning FBO facility visited in this district – the relatively cheap services were associated with good experienced quality ante-natal care. In the public sector in Rural 1, by contrast, charging was limited, but the extent to which services were available was erratic. A few women were sent to buy items at private shops, but this was not widespread. Rather, if services were not available, women went without. However, a public dispensary in Rural 2 illustrated a different pattern: A nurse appeared to have gone into business, supplying (for profit) the tests and treatments that should have been available for free. This pattern was also visible to a smaller extent in a health centre in Rural 1. Furthermore, we have more interviews concerning the ANC services at the public hospital in Rural 2, which was charging for its services.
The level of charges reported in Rural 2 for the facilities doing the charging – the public hospital, the public dispensary that had apparently gone into business on its own account, and the FBO facilities – are strikingly higher than in Rural 1. The FBO hospital in particular appeared to be charging substantial sums. As the interviews indicate, a local culture of charging had developed, where the charges were consistently higher than those reported in Rural 1 for the FBO hospital or any of the public facilities. For these payments, the women interviewed had received somewhat higher levels of service than women in Rural 1, with the striking exception of the FBO hospital in Rural 1 that was succeeding in combining low and predictable charges with good services. An interesting question that arises from the data is the role of insurance in creating or supporting a culture of charging for ANC. We have examples where public facilities seem to have developed a practice of charging those not in a Community Health Fund, and an example of an FBOhospital charging (presumably) the NHIF for ANC services at quite a high rate. It does seem from this that insurance was being used in a way that was associated with perverse outcomes, such as higher charges for women without insurance for services that are supposed to be provided free to begin with. In general, higher payments seem to be associated with better quality care, but women were finding the payments hard to find. In Rural 2 there is some evidence that the public sector is some what better supplied than in Rural 1. There have been interventions in this district to improve care, which may be contributing to better quality care. Some of the interventions, e.g. those by Ifakara Health Institute (IHI),are intended to, among other things, improve the quality of health care at public health facilities through training and improved supervision. In both districts, we found few reports of abuse at the ANC level – abuse appears to be a greater problem during childbirth. The main quality issues at ANC level are lack of basic ANC services in some of the public health facilities and having to pay for ANC even in some of the public facilities where they are supposed to be provided for free. However, the problem of supply shortages seems to create opportunities and incentives for a system of informal charging, as evidenced by payments made to staff in Rural 1.Furthermore, having to pay for transport to go to a more distant health facility for tests and treatments that were not available at nearby dispensaries increased the financial burden for women seeking ANC, if they found the funds to travel, or otherwise formed a barrier to accessing quality ANC. The fact that missing essential tests and treatments might be a cause of fatal outcomes to both a pregnant woman and the unborn child cannot be over-emphasized. 5 Conclusion
Quality ANC accessible to all women is a key requirement for improved maternal survival. As one of the four pillars of safe motherhood (WHO, 1994), ante-natal care plays a pivotal role in reducing maternal deaths and morbidity. The evidence provided in this study regarding the lack of essential supplements and tests, along with having to pay for this supposedly free service, identifies constraints on efforts to reduce maternal mortality. The fact that this study's findings are similar to a study conducted about 15 years earlier in a different region of Tanzania (Eseko 1998)1 should indeed raise great concern, and calls into question the effectiveness of various interventions that over the years have been put in place to improve maternal health care. As the present findings indicate, there is still a long way to go in improving the quality of ante-natal care. There is need for a more concerted effort to implement effectively the strategies that are already in place and to devise alternative strategies that may result into better outcomes. Such strategies should not be considered in isolation, but should be part of effective strategies to improve all aspects of maternal health.
Furthermore, an emerging problem that is likely to adversely affect ANC attendance rates needs prompt action. The evidence above suggests that health insurance, which is intended to promote access to health care by the poor, is creating a contrary effect by exacerbating the problem of payments for services that are officially exempted from payment. This needs to be looked into, and appropriate action taken to avert this emerging problem.
1 In this earlier study, of the women interviewed, blood pressure was never measured in 24% of them, 61% never had their urine tested, while blood was never examined in 55%, and 71% never had any health education at the clinic.
Eseko, N. (1998). Analysis of maternal and perinatal care systems in Tanzania and assessment of the actual situation in Arusha region. Thesis for Master of Philosophy in Health Sciences. Centre for International Health, University of Bergen, Bergen.
NBS and ICF Macro(2011).Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey: Key Findings. Calverton, Maryland, USA: NBS and ICF Macro.
URT (2003),National Health Policy,Ministry of HealthURT (2000).National Package of essential health interventions in Tanzania. Ministry of Health.
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12/2 "The Effect of Boards on the Performance of Microfinance Institutions: Evidence from 08.4 "Establishing Indicators for Urban Tanzania and Kenya" Poverty-Environment Interaction in Tanzania: By Neema Mori and Donath Olomi The Case of Bonde la Mpunga, Kinondoni, Dar es Salaam" 12/1 ‘The Growth of Micro and Small, Cluster Matern A.M. Victor, Albinus M.P. Makalle Based Furniture Manufacturing Firms and their Implications for Poverty Reduction in Tanzania' 08.3 "Bamboo Trade and Poverty Alleviation in Ileje District, Tanzania" Milline Jethro Mbonile 11/2 ‘Affordability and Expenditure Patterns for Electricity and Kerosene in Urban 08.2 "The Role of Small Businesses in Poverty Households in Tanzania' Alleviation: The Case of Dar es Salaam, Emmanuel Maliti and Raymond Mnenwa Raymond Mnenwa and Emmanuel Maliti 11/1 "Creating Space for Child Participation in Local Governmence in Tanzania: Save the 08.1 "Improving the Quality of Human Resources Children and Children's Councils for Growth and Poverty Reduction: The Meda Couzens and Koshuma Mtengeti Case of Primary Education in Tanzania" 10/5 "Widowhood and Vulnerability to HIV and AIDS-related Shocks: Exploring Resilience 07.2 "Financing Public Heath Care: Insurance, User Fees or Taxes? Welfare Comparisons Flora Kessy, Iddy Mayumana and Yoswe in Tanzania" Deograsias P. Mushi 07.1 "Rice Production in the Maswa District, 03.6 "Access to Formal and Quasi-Formal Credit Tanzania and its Contribution to Poverty by Smallholder Farmers and Artisanal Fishermen: A Case of Zanzibar" Jerry A. Ngailo, Abiud L. Kaswamila and Catherine J. Senkoro 03.5 "Poverty and Changing Livelihoods of 06.3 "The Contribution of Microfinance Migrant Maasai Pastoralists in Morogoro Institutions to Poverty Reduction in and Kilosa Districts" C. Mung'ong'o and D. Mwamfupe Severine S.A. Kessy and Fratern M Urio Publications by REPOA 03.4 "The Role of Tourism in Poverty Alleviation in 06.2 "The Role of Indigenous Knowledge in Nathanael Luvanga and Joseph Shitundu Combating Soil Infertility and Poverty in the Usambara Mountains, Tanzania" 03.3 "Natural Resources Use Patterns and Juma M. Wickama and Stephen T.
Poverty Alleviation Strategies in the Highlands and Lowlands of Karatu and Monduli Districts – A Study on Linkages and 06.1 "Assessing Market Distortions Affecting Poverty Reduction Efforts on Smallholder Pius Zebbe Yanda and Ndalahwa Faustin Tobacco Production in Tanzania" Dennis Rweyemamu and Monica Kimaro 03.2 "Shortcomings of Linkages Between 05.1 "Changes in the Upland Irrigation System Environmental Conservation and Poverty and Implications for Rural Poverty Alleviation in Tanzania" Alleviation. A Case of the Ndiwa Irrigation Idris S. Kikula, E.Z. Mnzava and Claude System, Wes Usambara Mountains, Cosmas H. Sokoni and Tamilwai C.
03.1 "School Enrolment, Performance, Gender and Poverty (Access to Education) in 04.3 "The Role of Traditional Irrigation Systems in A.V.Y. Mbelle and J. Katabaro Poverty Alleviation in Semi-Arid Areas: The Case of Chamazi in Lushoto District, 02.3 "Poverty and Deforestation around the Gazetted Forests of the Coastal Belt of Abiud L. Kaswamila and Baker M. Masuruli Godius Kahyarara, Wilfred Mbowe and 04.2 "Assessing the Relative Poverty of Clients and Non-clients of Non-bank Micro-finance Institutions. The case of the Dar es Salaam 02.2 "The Role of Privatisation in Providing the and Coast Regions" Urban Poor Access to Social Services: the Hugh K. Fraser and Vivian Kazi Case of Solid Waste Collection Services in Dar es Salaam" Suma Kaare 04.1 "The Use of Sustainable Irrigation for Poverty Alleviation in Tanzania. The Case of 02.1 "Economic Policy and Rural Poverty in Smallholder Irrigation Schemes in Igurusi, Tanzania: A Survey of Three Regions" Mbarali District" Longinus Rutasitara Shadrack Mwakalila and Christine Noe 01.5 "Demographic Factors, Household 03.7 "Poverty and Environment: Impact analysis Composition, Employment and Household of Sustainable Dar es Salaam Project on "Sustainable Livelihoods" of Urban Poor" S.T. Mwisomba and B.H.R. Kiilu M.A.M. Victor and A.M.P. Makalle 01.4 "Assessment of Village Level Sugar 98.4 "Labour Constraints, Population Dynamics Processing Technology in Tanzania" and the AIDS Epidemic: The Case of Rural A.S. Chungu, C.Z.M. Kimambo and T.A.L.
Bukoba District, Tanzania" C.L. Kamuzora and S. Gwalema 01.3 "Poverty and Family Size Patterns: 98.3 "The Use of Labour-Intensive Irrigation Comparison Across African Countries" Technologies in Alleviating Poverty in C. Lwechungura Kamuzora Majengo, Mbeya Rural District" J. Shitundu and N. Luvanga 01.2 "The Role of Traditional Irrigation Systems (Vinyungu) in Alleviating Poverty in Iringa 98.2 "Poverty and Diffusion of Technological Rural District" Innovations to Rural Women: The Role of Tenge Mkavidanda and Abiud Kaswamila B.D. Diyamett, R.S. Mabala and R. Mandara 01.1 "Improving Farm Management Skills for Poverty Alleviation: The Case of Njombe 98.1 "The Role of Informal and Semi-Formal Finance in Poverty Alleviation in Tanzania: Aida Isinika and Ntengua Mdoe Results of a Field Study in Two Regions" A.K. Kashuliza, J.P. Hella, F.T. Magayane 00.5 "Conservation and Poverty: The Case of Amani Nature Reserve" George Jambiya and Hussein Sosovele 97.3 "Educational Background, Training and Their Influence on Female-Operated Informal 00.4 "Poverty and Family Size in Tanzania: Multiple Responses to Population J. O'Riordan. F. Swai and A. C.L. Kamuzora and W. Mkanta 97.2 "The Impact of Technology on Poverty 00.3 "Survival and Accumulation Strategies at Alleviation: The Case of Artisanal Mining the Rural-Urban Interface: A Study of Ifakara in Tanzania" Town, Tanzania" B W. Mutagwaba, R. Mwaipopo Ako 00.2 "Poverty, Environment and Livelihood along 97.1 "Poverty and the Environment: The Case of the Gradients of the Usambaras on Informal Sandmining, Quarrying and Lime-Making Activities in Dar es Salaam, Adolfo Mascarenhas George Jambiya, Kassim Kulindwa and 00.1 "Foreign Aid, Grassroots Participation and Poverty Alleviation in Tanzania: Fiasco" S. Rugumamu 99.1 "Credit Schemes and Women's 13/4 Payments and Quality of Ante-Natal Care in Empowerment for Poverty Alleviation: The Two Rural Districts of Tanzania Case of Tanga Region, Tanzania" Paper 4 from the Ethics, Payments and I.A.M. Makombe, E.I. Temba and A.R.M.
Maternal Survival project. Paula Tibandebage, Maureen Mackintosh, Tausi Kida, Joyce Ikingura and Cornel Jahari 98.5 "Youth Migration and Poverty Alleviation: A Case Study of Petty Traders (Wamachinga) 13/3 Payments for Maternal Care and Women's in Dar es Salaam" Experiences of Giving Birth: Evidence from A.J. Liviga and R.D.K Mekacha Four Districts in Tanzania Paper 3 from the Ethics, Payments and Maternal Survival project. Maureen Mackintosh, Tausi Kida, Paula 10/3 "The Tanzania Energy Sector: The Potential Tibandebage, Joyce Ikingura and Cornel for Job Creation and Productivity Gains Through Expanded Electrification" Arthur Mwakapugi, Waheeda Samji 13/2 Understandings of Ethics in Maternal Health Care: an Exploration of Evidence From Four Districts in Tanzania 10/2 "Local Government Finances and Financial Paper 2 from the Ethics, Payments, and Management in Tanzania: Empirical Maternal Survival project Evidence of Trends 2000 - 2007' Paula Tibandebage, Tausi Kida, Maureen Reforms in Tanzania" Mackintosh and Joyce Ikingura Odd-Helge Fjeldstad, Lucas Katera, Jamai sami and Erasto Ngalewa 13/1 Empowering Nurses to Improve Maternal Health Outcomes 10/1 "The Impact of Local Government Paper 1 from the Ethics, Payments, and Reforms in Tanzania" Maternal Survival project Per Tidemand and Jamal Msami Paula Tibandebage, Tausi Kida, Maureen Mackintosh and Joyce Ikingura 09.32 "Energy Sector: Supply and Demand for Labour in Mtwara Region" Waheeda Samji, K.Nsa-Kaisi 12/4 Growth with Equity – High Economic Growth 09.31 "Institutional Analysis of Nutrition and Rapid Poverty Reduction: The Case of in Tanzania" Valerie Leach and Blandina Kilama 09.30 "Influencing Policy for Children in Tanzania: 12/3 "Why Poverty remains high in Tanzania: And Lessons from Education, Legislation what to do about it?" and Social Protection" Lars Osberg and Amarakoon Bandara1 Masuma Mamdani, Rakesh Rajani and Valerie Leach with Zubeida Tumbo-Masabo 12/2 The Instrumental versus the Symbolic: and Francis Omondi Investigating Members' Participation in Civil Society Networks in Tanzania 09.29 "Maybe We Should Pay Tax After All? Citizens' Views of Taxation in Tanzania" Odd-Helge Fjeldstad, Lucas Katera and 12/1 The Governance of the Capitation Grant in Primary Education in Tanzania: Why Civic Engagement and School Autonomy Matter 09.28 "Outsourcing Revenue Collection to Private By Kenny Manara and Stephen Mwombela Agents: Experiences from Local Authorities in Tanzania" 11/1 "Tracer Study on two Repoa Training Odd-Helge Fjeldstad, Lucas Katera and Courses: Budget Analysis and Public Expenditure Tracking System" Ophelia Mascarenhas 08.27 "The Growth – Poverty Nexus in Tanzania: From a Developmental Perspective" 10/5 "Social Protection of the Elderly in Tanzania: Current Status and Future Possibilities" Thadeus Mboghoina and Lars Osberg 08.26 "Local Autonomy and Citizen Participation In Tanzania - From a Local Government 10/4 "A Comparative Analysis of Poverty Incidence in Farming Systems of Tanzania" Raymond Mnenwa and Emmanuel Maliti 07.25 "Children and Vulnerability In Tanzania: "Guidelines for Monitoring and Evaluation of A Brief Synthesis" REPOA Activities" A. Chungu and S. Muller-Maige 07.24 "Common Mistakes and Problems in "Capacity Building for Research" Research Proposal Writing: An Assessment of Proposals for Research Grants Submitted to Research on Poverty Alleviation REPOA "Some Practical Research Guidelines" Brian Cooksey and Alfred Lokuji Idris S. Kikula and Martha A. S. Qorro "A Bibliography on Poverty in Tanzania" 07.23 "Guidelines on Preparing Concept Notes and Proposals for Research on Pro-Poor Growth and Poverty in Tanzania" "An Inventory of Potential Researchers and Institutions of Relevance to Research on 07.22 "Local Governance in Tanzania: Poverty in Tanzania" Observations From Six Councils 2002- "Guidelines for Preparing and Assessing Amon Chaligha, Florida Henjewele, Ambrose REPOA Research Proposals" Kessy and Geoffrey Mwambe REPOA Secretariat and Brian Cooksey 07.21 "Tanzanian Non-Governmental "Social and Cultural Factors Influencing Organisations – Their Perceptions of Poverty in Tanzania" Their Relationship with the Government of Tanzania and Donors, and Their Role and Impact on Poverty Reduction and "Gender and Poverty Alleviation in Tanzania: Issues from and for Research" Patricia Mbughuni 06.20 "Service Delivery in Tanzania: Findings from Six Councils 2002-2003" "The Use of Technology in Alleviating Poverty Einar Braathen and Geoffrey Mwambe in Tanzania" A.S. Chungu and G.R.R. Mandara 06.19 "Developing Social Protection in Tanzania Within a Context of Generalised Insecurity" "Environmental Issues and Poverty Alleviation in Tanzania" Adolfo Mascarenhas 06.18 "To Pay or Not to Pay? Citizens' Views on Taxation by Local Authorities in Tanzania" "Implications of Public Policies on Poverty Odd-Helge Fjeldstad and Poverty Alleviation: The Case of Tanzania" "When Bottom-Up Meets Top-Down: The Fidelis Mtatifikolo Limits of Local Participation in Local "Who's Poor in Tanzania? A Review of Government Planning in Tanzania" Recent Poverty Research" Brian Cooksey and Idris Kikula "Local Government Finances and Financial "Poverty Assessment in Tanzania: Management in Tanzania: Observations from Theoretical, Conceptual and Methodological Six Councils 2002 – 2003" Odd-Helge Fjeldstad, Florida Henjewele, Geoffrey Mwambe, Erasto Ngalewa and Knut Nygaard "Changing Perceptions of Poverty and the Emerging Research Issues" "Poverty Research in Tanzania: Guidelines for Preparing Research Proposals" Brian Cooksey and Servacius Likwelile Brief 26 Tracer Study on REPOA Training Courses for Research Users: Budget Analysis and Brief 39 Examining the Institutional Framework Public Expenditure Tracking System for Investment in Tanzania: A perspective from the Executive Opinion Survey, Brief 25 Transparency in Local Finances in Johansein Rutaihwa Brief 38 "Achieving High Economic Growth with Brief 24 Social Protection of the Elderly in Rapid Poverty Reduction: Tanzania: Current Status and Future The Case of Vietnam" Brief 23 Children's Involvement in Small Business: Brief 37 "Social-Economic Transformation for Does it Build Youth Entrepreneurship? Poverty Reduction: Eight Key Messages for Unlocking Tanzania's Potential" Brief 22 Challenges in data collection, consolidation and reporting for local government authorities in Tanzania Brief 36 "Tracer Study for Research Users: The case of TGN Media Training" Brief 21 Children's Involvement in Small Business: Ophelia Mascarenhas Does it Build Youth Entrepreneurship? Brief 35 Understanding Rural Transformation in Brief 20 Widowhood and Vulnerability to HIV and AIDS Related Shocks: Exploring Resilience Avenues Brief 34 Affordability and Expenditure Patterns for Electricity and Kerosene in Urban Brief 19 Energy, Jobs and Skills: A Rapid Households in Tanzania Assessment in Mtwara, Tanzania Brief 33 Biofuel Investment in Tanzania: Brief 18 Planning in Local Government Authorities Awareness and Participation of the Local in Tanzania: Bottom-up Meets Top-down Brief 17 The Investment Climate in Tanzania: Brief 32 Supporting Tanzania's Cocoa Farmers Views of Business Executives Brief 31 The Instrumental versus the Symbolic: Brief 16 Assessing the Institutional Framework Investigating Members' Participation in for Promoting the Growth of Micro and Civil Society Networks in Tanzania Small Enterprises (MSEs) in Tanzania: The Case of Dar es Salaam Brief 30 Competitiveness of Tanzanian Coffee Growers amid Bifurcated Coffee Markets Brief 15 Preventing Malnutrition in Tanzania: A Focused Strategy to Improve Nutrition Brief 29 Using Annual Performance Reports to in Young Children Manage Public Resources in Tanzania Brief 14 Influencing Policy for Children in Brief 28 Growth of Micro and Small, Cluster- Tanzania: Lessons from Education, Based Furniture-Manufacturing Firms and Legislation and Social Protection their Implications for Poverty Reduction in Tanzania Brief 13 Disparities Exist in Citizens' Perceptions of Service Delivery by Local Government Brief 27 Creating Space for Child Participation in Authorities in Tanzania Local Governance in Tanzania: Save the Children and Children's Councils Brief 12 Changes in Citizens' Perceptions of the Local Taxation System in Tanzania Brief 11 Citizens Demand Tougher Action on LGR 12 Trust in Public Finance: Citizens' Views Corruption in Tanzania on taxation by Local Authorities in Tanzania Brief 10 Outsourcing Revenue Collection: Experiences from Local Government LGR 11 Domestic Water Supply: The Need for a Authorities in Tanzania Children and Vulnerability in Tanzania: LGR10 Is the community health fund better than user fees for financing public health Mawazo ya AZISE za Tanzania Kuhusu Uhusiano Wao na Wafadhili Are fees the major barrier to accessing public health care? Mawazo ya AZISE za Tanzania Kuhusu Uhusiano Wao na Serikali Primary education since the introduction of the Primary Education Development Local Government Reform in Tanzania 2002 - 2005: Summary of Research Findings on Governance, Finance and Citizens' access to information on local government finances Children Participating in Research Low awareness amongst citizens of local government reforms Changes in Household Non-Income Welfare Indicators - Can poverty mapping Fees at the dispensary level: Is universal be used to predict a change in per capita access being compromised? consumption over time? TASAF – a support or an obstacle to local Participatory Approaches to Local government reform Government Planning in Tanzania, the Limits to Local Participation Councillors and community leaders – partnership or conflict of interest? Improving Transparency of Financial Lessons from the Sustainable Mwanza Affairs at the Local Government Level in New challenges for local government Governance Indicators on the Tanzania revenue enhancement Governance Noticeboard Website TGN1 What is the Tanzania Governance About the Local Government Reform
PAEDIATRIC RESPIRATORY REVIEWS (2006) 7, 185–190 MINI-SYMPOSIUM: TRACHEOSTOMY IN CHILDREN Tracheostomy care in the home Be´atrice Oberwaldnerand Ernst Eber Respiratory and Allergic Disease Division, Paediatric Department, Medical University of Graz,Auenbruggerplatz 30, A-8036 Graz, Austria Summary There are hardly any controlled studies in paediatric tracheostomy care;